Categories
Spanish to English Translations

Morir en la arena – To die in the sand

[unauthorized translation]

 

 

Morir en la arena (Andanzas) (Spanish Edition)

 

[A Cuban novelist character recalls his and the Castro government’s past]

Zoilita and I entered the History Department of the Humanities School in the terrible year of 1971. It was barely months after the devastating Congress of Education and Culture, which approved the theses and policies that dictated who could and couldn’t be artists representing a revolutionary country, or work as teachers in a social system, or be young militants aspiring to the role of New Man. That Congress sowed social and psychological terror in the island’s cultural world. Like an invader it radiated as far as university halls (as I discovered the day I matriculated), becoming in some people like a solid chunk of magma, fallen from the sky, a heavy mass that you couldn’t even cut with a power saw and that covered all spaces, burning off any disagreement.

I recall that members of Party or Youth cells bore the aura of enlightened ones. Their militancy empowered them. But the truth is that even those chosen ones were afraid. Everyone monitored everyone else, absolutely everyone: professors, students, librarians and even the janitors were afraid. The militants feared each other, because anyone could be betrayed, accused, repudiated, and parametered, as they said (now it’s called canceled). And, to protect and defend themselves, people either kept their mouths shut, or, better yet, stood at whatever podium to speechify about political reaffirmation and lead acts of Marxist-Leninist faith with the required pinch of Stalinism. And denunciations, one of the consequences generated by fear, and fueling even more fear, proliferated, just like verdolaga.* Because, as is well known, generating fear is the sine qua non for exercising control.

*Purslane

With hundreds of artists marginalized, dozens of writers excluded, many professors and students expelled or punished, every one of us got the messager and applied our survival strategies. No one who liked to read dared, for instance, to say he was reading – or might have read – Vargas Llosa, Carlos Fuentes, Cabrera Infante or Cortázar, much less Lezama Lima and Virgilio Piñera, not to mention Orwell or Borges or Solzhenitsyn. Ideally, you would carry under your arm La última mujer y el próximo combate by Manuel Cofiño – you remember that there was once a Manuel Cofiño? Has anyone gone back to read the then celebrated, popular, much republished Manuel Cofiño? Not by chance did this socialist realist novel win the Casa de las Américas prize that year, then to be immediately published and copiously reprinted. Or declare that your favorite writers were, let’s say, the Sholokhov of Virgin Soil Upturned or Nikolai Ostrovsky of How the Steel Was Tempered.

At the same time, when the semesters of Historical Materialism and Dialectics, History of Philosophy and of the World Workers’ Movement, Political Economy of Socialism, Scientific Atheism or that incredible course, Scientific Communism (this curriculum reveals a lot about our context, doesn’t it?) started in our major, of course you knew that you had to raise an altar to Marx, Engels, Lenin and comrade Stalin. And, needless to say, never – even if in delirium, with a fever of a 107 – allow yourself to utter the name Gramsci or that of Sartre, at that time repudiated; much less that of one Leon Trotsky unless you were calling him a traitor to the working class, false prophet and, very emphatically, revisionist, which was the lowest level of degradation to which a thinking being could descend.

If you had the vocation or the need to write and you started to do it in that era, what kind of literature could you imagine yourself writing? Or, better yet, if you wanted to make a living writing, could you conceive of writing in a style different from what was expected, promised, almost required? It was in the atmosphere of this artistic school (ideo-aesthetics, to be precise) in which I discovered that I liked to write, I still don’t know why –  to tell stories more than to dig through History. Besides that, the environment also determined historians’ possible interests and projections. They were divided into two irreconcilable groups: Idealists and Marxists. And we, needless to say, could only wear the uniforms of the latter.

[A newly retired accountant and his psychiatrist and close friend, ponder Cuban life]

“So, aside from doing nothing, what are you going to do from now on?
“Survive, until I get tired…And I want to tell you that I’m really tired – this thing of working all your life just to be poorer and have to keep working so I don’t die of hunger…”

“Work at what?”

“Night watchman at some nouveau riche guy’s house, landscaper, house painter, what do I know – whatever comes up that I can do. Although no one paints because there’s no paint, and in my neighborhood no one takes care of the gardens because what’s the point. I’m going to see if there’s room for an accountant for the son of a friend who’s got several businesses and is rich now. No exaggeration, he is really rich…and he’s a Babalawo who initiates santos, preferably foreigners. Fuck, Pedro Luis, I don’t know what your stalwart Communist parents would have thought of all this. Look what we’re living through. They were so sure of social progress, of the ascent of History toward a society of equals, right?”

The old man smiled as best he could.

“Rodolfo, they would have justified all of it. They would say that History advances in spirals and that sacrifice is a test that strengthens us. That we’ve been victims of a merciless American blockade, the longest in modern history. And, like the good Stalinists they were, they would recall in passing Khrushchev ‘s wimpiness and Gorbachev’s betrayal. How many times do I have to tell you this, kid? Communism is not a philosophy or an ideology – or it was at the beginning, but then, for those who kept believing, it became a religion and, like all of them, demanded faith and acceptance of dogma, with liturgies included. Does that explain it?”

“Almost all of it. Although adding the collateral damage that, with that step toward religious faith, they stripped out historical materialism and the dialectic and even the 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.”

“That doesn’t matter. And the truth is that it didn’t matter from the beginning. Just faith and the class struggle…Oh, and control and electrification, as Lenin said. The important thing was to believe in a historical process wisely led by infallible and eternal leaders – the problem is that only gods are. So, as a transitive matter, a leader conjugated with infallibility and omnipresence implies…divinity. But I’m an atheist.”

“That explains more. And, in addition, the reason we’re so fucked? That this country is emptying out? That people have to practically scratch at the wall to get something to eat every day? Or does it also explain that because of the national disaster there are some smarter guys, like this Babalawo businessman I mentioned, who are getting rich selling the food that the State doesn’t guarantee and that sometimes is the only food available because this State has collapsed? Don’t mess with me.”

“Listen, I’m not messing with you. None of this is my fault.”

Rodolfo agreed and motioned with his hand in a gesture of apology, and then immediately shook his head.

“Or the issue is power, not giving up power? This is what really matters to them?”

“You’re really going strong today…”

“And all that about faith…does that also explain that now I have to go look for a paintbrush or a machete in order to survive?”

“That too, that too…Look, you know it: Hilda [the psychiatrist’s wife, a doctor] and I live more on the presents her patients give her than from her salary and my retirement…” He paused and lowered his voice. Don’t go around talking about this…but Hilda has pretty much set up an examination office in one of the rooms back there. She takes care of her good and old patients here at the house…and I think she wouldn’t charge you…”

“Not bad…And your old patients, like me, when we come to hassle you…we don’t pay or gift you anything?”

“Maybe a bottle of rum or a little package of coffee, if that…You actual nutcases love to act crazy and you’re cheapskates or totally broke…But, wait a minute, don’t spin in circles and throw up. What the fuck is going on with you now that you’re got this suicidal impulse and the awful way you look? But before I start, let me give you some advice: Don’t go around repeating what we’ve been talking about…And much less even think about taking to the streets with a poster, for god’s sake.”

Rodolfo agreed, because he could be careless, though not that much. And it was obvious that the doctor knew him better than he knew himself.

Categories
French to English Translations

Arié Alimi: Jew, Frenchman, Leftist…in whatever order – French to English translation

Arié Alimi, vice president of France’s  League of Human Rights, is a lawyer and human-rights activist. He has represented victims of French police violence and authored a book on the subject. In his latest book (Editions La Découverte, 2024) – excerpt translated below he explores his identity as a French leftwing Jew born to parents from Algeria and Tunisia. Alimi now supports the New Popular Front, the leftwing coalition formed to prevent an extreme right-wing electoral takeover of France’s National Assembly

———————————————————————————

My first contacts with socialist politics and ideals came via Zionism. Jewish youth camps and movements were modeled on French parties’ local branches and on Israeli political parties, which themselves grew out of the numerous factions of the Zionist movement.

Betar, inspired by the Zionist ideology of Jabotinsky,[1] was close to the Israeli Likud, Habonim Dror to the Avodah labor party, Hashomer Hatzair, and other leftwing anti-clerical Zionist movements, was closer to a more radical socialism and affiliated with Israel’s Meretz party. The main goal of these movements was to recruit, train and guide towards the Aliyah, the “going up” to Israel. For a very long time, I, like many others, secretly hoped to go live in this country that I only knew through summertime stays.

This was the ideological framework within which I became a Zionist socialist Jew. I was inspired by the hope of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. In 1993, the Oslo accords, the handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat, seemed to sketch out this possibility – the creation of a Palestinian state that would have allowed the two peoples to live side by side, to end the hatred, the occupation, war, and uncontrolled settlement. For me, it was a moment of endless hope. As a law student at the Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas, I joined the Jewish Student Union of France (UEJF). There, I satisfied my need for community on the smallest scale, along with the opportunity to buy  kosher sandwiches.

This is how my participation in civil society began – thanks to kosher sandwiches. The university was a different universe from the Sephardic Jewish community of [Paris suburb] Sarcelles.  Assas was also a hostile university, traditionally linked to the far right, where the GUD[2] , renamed many times after repeated bans, was in good standing with the school administration. Its members’ antisemitism was overt, notably expressed through a slogan tied to the Israeli occupation: “At Assas as in Gaza – Intifada.” The main job of the UEJF branch at Assas was to fight against the GUD and the far right. First, we learned how to run fast – very fast, and to hide out in the basement restrooms, covered in Celtic crosses, to avoid the many attacks by the thugs who today form part of the base of the National Rally[3]. In the eyes of far-right militants, since we were Jews we were Zionists. Ties to the PSA UNEF-ID[4], the only leftwing organization at Assas, grew naturally in a hostile environment.

In May, on the last day of my final exams, before the results were even in, I had already gotten my tickets to fly to Lod Airport, and from there to head for student housing at the Har Hatzofim University [Hebrew University in Jerusalem]. I spent four months there every year, taking summer courses and wandering the alleys of the Arab Shouk, where I played chess with Israeli Arabs while talking about the conditions under which they lived and the constant discrimination they faced. I remember Hadil, who had a shop just behind the ramparts of the Damascus Gate. We spent our Saturdays, the Sabbath for the Jewish city, playing chess and drinking coffee with cardamom under the vines and fig tree that shielded us from the burning sun. I listened to him speak passionately of his and his family’s lives, of his status as a resident, lacking citizenship, though his family had lived there for generations. He told me how he had to give up his trade as taxi driver because of the unequal treatment in Jerusalem of Palestinian taxis and Israeli taxis -their license plates had different colors.

Facing this Palestinian man as a French Jew dreaming of becoming Israeli – our different identities linked by our shared humanity – my fear dissolved, swept away by a sense of guilt.

It was probably there, in Jerusalem, at the heart of the spirit of Judaism, that the Zionism of my young adult years began to erode. I was Jewish. I loved this country, where I had spent my happiest years. I had cherished the burning desire to become an Israeli Jew and not just a diaspora Jew. And then I discovered, through an encounter with a Jerusalem Palestinian, the other side of Zionism. I discovered those whom Zionism had never taken into account, who lived like foreigners on their ancestral lands, who were monitored, discriminated against, transformed into enemies both foreign and domestic. A people without land for a land with people. That Zionist identity that had settled into me, almost melded into my Jewish identity – as a foreigner among foreigners – had made of this native an enemy in his own land.

The veil lifted. I became aware of Israeli reality, far from the beaches of my childhood. Deep inequality, the poverty of most of the residents of this country where everything could be bought on credit, à l’américaine. Even Israeli Nobless cigarettes, which cost a few shekels and irritated your throat after the first drag, but which one smoked anyway because these were the cigarettes of the IDF soldiers, whom we revered as heroes. I discovered the greatest poverty – extreme and terrible misery – of Israeli Arabs. Militarism, new Jewish neighborhoods that progressively nibbled away at the occupied territory, destruction of houses, checkpoints, permanent ID-checking, police violence, the wounded and dead of the Intifada, the shutdown of the old city when an Israeli bus blew up. Death everywhere – it filters into consciousness almost as quickly as fear, which makes you take a breath before boarding a bus, looking suspiciously at each new passenger.

At the Hebrew University library, I discovered the works by those  already being called the “new historians.” Zeev Sternhell[5] succeeded in marring my view of Zionism, which he unhesitatingly described as a “nationalist and socialist ideology.” As for [Yeshayahu] Leibowitz,[6] a religious Jew, he shattered my lawyer’s view of the concepts of the people and the nation that I had associated with Zionist and Israeli reality. Throughout my entire childhood, I had thought of myself as belonging to an oppressed people who had heroically reconquered their land, built a new Jew, a new people, a State that bravely faced the permanent war waged by the Arab countries, a State where Palestinians could live in peace. I toppled from a great height, weighed down by the beliefs that had once sustained me. I was still Jewish, more Jewish than ever, but less and less of a Zionist. And yet I still loved this country, now different in my eyes from the one I had adored.

These two identities that had been fused for so long were now barely able to coexist. My Jewish identity, distilled in the casks of universalism and equality (if only formal) of the French Republic, confronted a Zionist identity damaged by injustice against the Palestinians. A justice for an injustice – a liberated Jew but a Zionist occupier. This first awareness of the brutality of domination, of settlement, carried me daily ever further from the shores of Zionism and my promised land. The tension within me between Jew and Zionist began to feel like a death struggle. I had to choose or implode. I returned to Paris and decided to remain French,

On November 4, 1995, the day that Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated by rightwing extremist terrorist Yigal Amir, the hope of another Zionism grew even more distant. I understood that my life would from then on remain attached to France, where my identities could still coexist.

….

I find the slogan, “From the river to the sea,” which has become common among Israeli nationalists and some of the de-colonial left, intolerable. It is the outgrowth of an ideology in which I don’t recognize myself. If it were a matter of envisioning one State for two people, I could sign on – distant and improbable though this may seem. But that is not what I hear in this slogan. I hear violence, deportation, nationalism and the earmarks of totalitarianism. I hear above all that the end justifies the means, that the atrocities committed on October 7 are justified by a colonial-style domination that only armed struggle can defeat. I hear that the 78 percent of Israelis who were born in that land don’t matter.

The subtext is that no one is born innocent in that land, and that you are born carrying the burden of colonization. This reflects a racial and nationalist view that is strangely in tune with rhetoric claiming  that antisemitism and Islam are the same. Behind the slogan, “From the river to the sea” lies  a concept of armed struggle in which the targeting of civilians is okay, and seen as a lesser evil, given all the Palestinian victims. It also echoes the Israeli government position that justifies bombings in Gaza bhythe need to protect residents and free the hostages….

 To accept that blood is an inevitable part of liberation and self-determination is to justify violence and death as a means of de-colonization or self-determination. This distances me both from my political companions and my co-religionists. Doesn’t the killer dominate the targeted person when the trigger is pulled? Murderous violence reproduces relationships of domination, by inverting or shifting them. That is not liberation. To think that freedom can be won with ideologies of inequality, such as that of Hamas, is to accept that anew  time of oppression will follow “liberation.” My Jewish, humanist and universalist identity, and my de-colonial identity, based on self-determination, join and resound together to reject murderous violence. I am not a token Jew. Not a Zionist, nor anti-Zionist. A de-colonialist and universalist Jew.

[1] https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/ze-ev-vladimir-jabotinsky

[2] Groupe Union Défense – a small, violent, extreme-right outfit

[3] Rassemblement national in French, the major right-wing party, led by Marine Le Pen.

[4] Autonomous Socialist Party – National Union of French Students-Independent, Democratic

[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zeev_Sternhell

[6] https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/yeshayahu-leibowitz

Categories
Spanish to English Translations

Enrique Serna – El Vendedor De Silencio – Spanish/English Excerpt Translation

From El vendedor de silencio, Enrique Serna, 2019

https://www.megustaleer.com/libros/el-vendedor-de-silencio/MMX-009149

[Miguel Alemán was president of Mexico in 1946-52]

He’d been waiting nearly an hour and a half in the outer office. Before long he would finish the book he had brought with him to kill time: Maeterlinck’s The Lives of Bees. He got up to stretch his legs. In front of the picture window that looked out on the main plaza, he admired the imposing cathedral, built of pink stone, tinted purple by the fading light of sunset. The plaza’s pigeons, frightened by the church bells’ ringing, flew off in formation to the gazebo handrail. He wouldn’t mind settling in Zacatecas when he reached retirement age. A pretty province, too attractive to be governed by a swine like Leobardo Reynoso.

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Spanish to English Translations

Colombian Army Surveillance of American Journalists Widespread, Reports Semana

Extract: “Special Report: The Secret Files”

May 1, 2020

Semana [Colombian newsmagazine]

[For background: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/08/opinion/colombia-spying-corruption.html]

https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/espionaje-del-ejercito-nacional-las-carpetas-secretas-investigacion-semana/667616

 

SEMANA reveals evidence of an Army computer surveillance program in which most of the targets were journalists, including several Americans. Politicians, generals, NGO staff and union activists were also among the 130 subjects.

Army units carried out for several months one of the most sensitive intelligence investigations in the country’s recent history. Between February and early December of last year, the activities of more than 130 citizens were targeted for what the military termed “profiling” and “special tasks.”

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Spanish to English Translations

Spanish English News Translation – Nicotine and Covid-19

Extract of story by Manu Ureste, Animal Politico, April 28. 2020

https://www.animalpolitico.com/elsabueso/nicotina-tabaco-no-ayuda-frenar-covid-19/

 

[A French study,A nicotinic hypothesis for Covid-19 with preventive and therapeutic implications,” (in English here) suggested a possible use for nicotine in anti-coronavirus therapy.

Mexican medical experts are dubious]:

“As doctors, we have a lot of solid evidence that a smoker’s lung is unhealthy. Therefore, it is highly implausible that, if tobacco puts you at risk for everything, that there is something it can protect you against  – much less a lung infection. That, right away, makes us especially skeptical about this study’s results,” Uri Torruco, infectious disease specialist and a graduate of the Salvador Zubirán National Institute of Medical Science and Nutrition.

Categories
French to English Translations

Translating Camus, The Plague

Notably, all of our fellow citizens very quickly refrained, even in public, from calculating how long their exile would last, a habit they might have adopted. Why? Because, though the most pessimistic may have settled, for instance, on six months, suffering ahead of time all of the bitterness of the months to come, they struggled to raise their courage to meet this challenge, using their last reserves of strength to deal with such a long period of suffering. Yet, sometimes, an encounter with a friend, a notice in the newspaper, a fugitive suspicion or a sudden burst of foresight, led them to realize that, after all, there was no reason why the epidemic shouldn’t last more than six months – maybe a year, or longer still.

Albert Camus

La Peste/The Plague, 1947